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JSL Vol.
2, No. 2
(Summer-Fall 1994; 183-367)
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From the Editors (183-85)
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Olga T. Yokoyama.
Reflections: Slavic Linguistics as a Discipline and an Occupation in the
United States (186-200)
Articles
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Zbigniew Golab. Slavic chelovek"
'homo' against the Background of Proto-Slavic Social Terminology (201-13)
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Tore Nesset. A Feature-Based
Approach to Russian Noun Inflection (214-37)
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Karen Robblee. Russian Word
Order and the Lexicon (238-67)
Remarks and Replies
Review Articles
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Frank Y. Gladney. Jan Tokarski Redivivus (304-17)
Reviews
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[Stuart Davis]: Jerzy Rubach. The lexical phonology
of Slovak (318-25)
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[Stephen M. Dickey]: Per Durst-Andersen. Mental
grammar: Russian aspect and related issues (326-32)
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[Victor A. Friedman]: Grace E. Fielder. The semantics
and pragmatics of verbal categories in Bulgarian. 2:2, 333-340.
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[Herbert Galton]: Anna Stunova. A contrastive
study of Russian and Czech aspect: Invariance vs. discourse (341-43)
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[Ingrid Maier]: Laura A. Janda. A geography of
case semantics: The Czech dative and the Russian instrumental (344-52)
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[Petr Sgall]: Eva Eckert, ed. Varieties of Czech:
Studies in Czech sociolinguistics (353-58)
Miscellaneous
ABSTRACTS:
Slavic chelovek" 'Homo'
against the Background of Proto-Slavic Social Terminology
Zbigniew Golab
This article reviews the published literature on
the etymology of Slavic *chelovek" 'homo' and proposes that this
Slavic word should be derived from Indo-European *kuelo-uoik'o-s,
cf. Greek peri-oikos. Support for this proposal can be found
in the etymology of the components of the compound, the structural pattern
of its composition, and its relationship to the subsystem of other Slavic
social terms.
[Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2(2): 201-13,
1994]
A Feature-Based Approach to
Russian Noun Inflection
Tore Nesset
The present paper examines the traditional approaches
to Russian noun inflection where two, three, or four declension classes
are assumed. Two descriptive problems are considered: gender predictability
and neutralization of the oppositions between declension classes. It is
demonstrated that none of the traditional approaches offer fully satisfactory
accounts for both problems, and a new approach involving the use of two
features is therefore proposed.
[Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2(2): 214-37,
1994]
Russian Word Order and the
Lexicon
Karen E. Robblee
This paper investigates the interaction of lexicosemantics
with Russian word order, reporting a significant divergence in the word
order patterns of sentences with different types of predicates. Predicates
fall on a lexical hierarchy of individuation that correlates with their
tendency to occur with the verb preceding the subject in the sentence,
i.e., with word-order configurations CVS, VCS, VSC, and VS. Those of low
lexical individuation occur with VS-inversion more frequently than those
of high lexical individuation. VS-inversion has one primary (existential)
function, and two secondary (episode-marking and specificational) functions.
The primary function is a deindividuating function, subject to minimal
restrictions. The secondary functions, in contrast, are limited by predicate
type and location in the narrative. Individuation features relating to
secondary function, predicate type, and section of narrative covary.
[Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2(2): 238-67,
1994]
Why Isn't Dybo's Law Iterative
David J. Birnbaum
Dybo's Law, the advance of ictus from syllables of
a certain type in Common Slavic, is not iterative. This non-iterative property
is a natural consequence of an autosegmental analysis of Dybo's Law (as
in Halle and Kiparsky 1981), but not of the traditional, non-autosegmental
description (as in Garde 1976).
[Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2(2): 268-72,
1994]
Southwest Balkan Linguistic
Contacts: Evidence from Appellative Language
Robert D. Greenberg
This study discusses several of the traditional and
non-traditional "Balkan" isoglosses as manifested in a Southwest Balkan
Sprachbund
consisting of Western Macedonian, Albanian, Romance, and Zeta-Lovcen Montenegrin
dialects. Some of the most convincing evidence pointing to such a linguistic
continuum is found in the appellative forms, i.e., imperatives, vocatives,
and emphatic/exhorative particles. This evidence suggests that further
research could lead to a redefinition of "Balkanness" with regard to the
South Slavic dialects.
[Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2(2): 273-81,
1994]
About the ja- in Madedonskiot
jazik: The Fate of Initial *e^- and *e,- in Macedonian
Laura Janda and Victor A. Friedman
The change of initial *e^- to ja- has
been overlooked in historical phonologies of Macedonian, yet is well attested.
The present analysis provides a route for initial *e,- which changed
to e^- to develop further to ja-, avoiding the phonologically
implausible nasal merger and positing no additional sound changes without
independent motivation.
[Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2(2): 282-86,
1994]
The Structure of Russian Clausal
Negation
Tracy Holloway King
The present article argues that the Russian negative
marker ne does not head it own functional projection in the structure
of a clause. Instead, it is argued that ne forms a unit with the
tensed verb in its clause. As a result, negation has scope over the tensed
verb in I^0 and the material in VP, but not over other finite elements.
Arguments in support of this position are based upon facts of the scope
of negation and the genitive of negation.
[Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2(2): 287-97,
1994]
A Remark on Initial Nasal Vowels
in Polish
Alexis Manaster Ramer
Gussmann (1993) claims that nasal vowels are absolutely
impossible word-initially in Polish. In response, I discuss various counterexamples,
involving
both attested forms and unattested but possible ones.
[Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2(2): 301-03,
1994] |